It’s been almost six months since Thailand’s General Election, and a new government has been established. Despite winning the most votes and seats, the Move Forward Party (MFP) has yet to be included in the new administration. Led by Pita Limjaroenrat, the MFP is known for advocating three key progressive policies: demilitarisation, demonopolization, and decentralisation. This party posed a significant threat to the political establishment, creating unprecedented influence since former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra. The MFP’s victory of 151 seats shocked the country, dashing the hopes of a predicted Pheu Thai landslide. An eight-party coalition was initially formed, and a Memorandum of Understanding was proposed. However, this fell apart after the vote in parliament to determine the next Prime Minister. In this article, we will explore the challenges that Pita and the Move Forward Party face and how the new government will likely lose the people’s trust soon after taking office.
Pita found himself in a challenging situation when his ownership of shares in a former media company was questioned. Opponents argued that this disqualified him from being an MP or serving as Prime Minister. Pita had inherited shares from his father in iTV, a company that had ceased operations in 2007 and had held onto them. After the complaint was made following the election, the Election Commission was asked to investigate, as Pita and his party, MFP, threatened the established political order. In response, Pita transferred the shares to other family members, maintaining that he no longer had possession of them, and that the company was no longer active, so he had no influence over any media outlets. Despite some efforts to revive the company to derail Pita and MFP’s political ambitions, they were unsuccessful. Nonetheless, the Election Commission referred the case to the Constitutional Court, which resulted in Pita’s suspension as an MP until a decision is made. If the court finds him guilty, Pita could be sentenced to up to 20 years in prison and banned from politics for two decades.
The Section 112 law, which forbids any critical remarks about the Royal Family, has become a topic of debate. In the past, it was considered taboo to openly criticize the monarchy, but public opinion has shifted since the large-scale protests in 2020. The Move Forward party has made it a central platform to amend or repeal this law. However, Senators and opposition parties have opposed this proposal and have vowed not to support Pita as Prime Minister if he endorses changing the royal defamation laws. Even if the proposed amendment were introduced to Parliament, it would likely fail as the initial coalition parties would either vote against it or abstain from voting.
The political situation in Thailand poses a challenge for Move Forward due to the military’s heavy influence. All 250 senators were appointed during the former NCPO junta, and the constitution they drafted requires the Prime Minister to be chosen by a majority of MPs and Senators, totalling 375 votes. Although the Move Forward Party (MFP) initial coalition had 312 seats, enough for a majority to pass legislation, they needed more votes for Pita to become Prime Minister. When Parliament voted on Pita’s leadership, most senators abstained while opposition parties rejected him. This undemocratic interference by the electorate caused further discontent towards the political establishment, which seems to favor royalism and militarization. Pita could not run for the Prime Minister position again and eventually left in opposition despite winning the most seats in the election. Concerns regarding lèse-majesté being brought up in Parliament for debate posed too much a threat to the institutional status and influence of the Royal Household. However, many Senators and MPs oppose such measures and refuse to allow them to proceed.
After Pita Limjaroenrat’s failed attempt to become Prime Minister, Pheu Thai, the second-place party, started to explore the possibility of forming their own government without Move Forward. Despite many pro-democracy parties pledging not to join forces with the military-led parties of General Prayut Chan-o-Cha and General Prawit Wongsuwan, Pheu Thai changed its stance and decided to leave the eight-party coalition and join with Bhumjaithai, a former coalition party under the previous government. This move opened the door for pro-military parties joining Pheu Thai’s coalition. Shortly thereafter, the United Thai Nation Party (UTN) and Palang Pracharath (PPRP) announced that they would join the coalition from parties led by Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-Cha and Prawit Wongsuwan, respectively. This decision disappointed many Pheu Thai supporters and the general public who felt betrayed by their decision to side with the military, which denied Thailand the chance to elect a pro-democratic government for over a decade.
Pheu Thai’s alliance with dictatorial parties was motivated by their desire to bring back Thaksin Shinawatra, the former Prime Minister who was ousted in a 2006 coup for corruption and disloyalty to the King. Despite facing numerous charges, Thaksin’s power and influence over Thai politics has been long-lasting, with his party winning every election from 2001 until the 2019 election, which was rigged for a military victory. The deal allowed Thaksin to return to Thailand, have his charges dropped, and let pro-junta parties continue to be in government, preventing Move Forward from gaining power. Thaksin returned to Thailand on the day new PM Srettha Thavisin was elected, but was immediately imprisoned. However, he was later transferred to a hospital due to health issues and will remain there, avoiding his sentence. Thaksin had requested a royal pardon and was granted one, reducing his sentence from eight years to one. The
sped in which a royal pardon was issued can be cited to the deal with the military parties.
It is noteworthy that Vacharaesorn Vivacharawongse, commonly known as ‘ท่านอ้น’ and the estranged son of HM Maha Vajiralongkorn, had made an unexpected return to Thailand after nearly 30 years of living in exile. His return is due to a crisis within the Royal Family caused by Princess Bajarakitiyabha’s hospitalization with a low chance of full recovery after a brain aneurysm. As the other recognized children of the King are not seen as suitable to take over as ruler of the Kingdom, bringing back ‘ท่านอ้น’ is seen as a secure option to continue the legacy of the Royal Family. Despite his liberal stance, his return has been well-received, and he has been focusing on typical royal duties rather than tourism. He has also expressed a desire for justice, equality, and love for each other. Since the election, he reposted an article by The Economist that discusses respecting the election outcome or facing violent expression on the streets, he has since stated that he will avoid getting involved in politics. Since returning to the USA, Vacharaesorn had attended talks on lèse-majesté stating that discussions on the matter should take place. It’s possible that the Bureau of the Royal Household could announce the next Crown Prince and King of Thailand in the coming months.
Thailand’s political landscape has undergone significant changes, with Srettha Thavisin becoming the country’s 30th Prime Minister after the Move Forward party left the coalition with Pheu Thai. Unfortunately, this decision has led to a decline in public support for Srettha’s party, with 64% of citizens disagreeing with their decision to align with military parties. Pheu Thai has attempted to clarify their decision on creating their own coalition, citing concerns about political instability, but many believe their desperation to bring back former PM Thaksin Shinawatra played a more significant role.
The country has been struggling with democratization for decades, and the recent election didn’t bring much change to the situation. Moreover, the controversy surrounding Pita Limjaroenrat’s shares has caused concerns about the MFP’s presence and growth in Thailand. Lastly, the party’s proposal to remove lèse-majesté from the penal code faced opposition from staunch royalists and the conservative establishment, who feared that any discussion of the monarchy would threaten their power and influence. Although these developments may seem discouraging for the Move Forward party, they could work in their favour during the next election. The party can improve its image and gain more support by remaining committed to its principles and advocating for fundamental change. However, given the Constitutional Court’s pending decision on Pita Limjaroenrat, the party’s future remains uncertain.
Pita at the end of the road – Three months on from Thailand’s General Election
It’s been almost six months since Thailand’s General Election, and a new government has been established. Despite winning the most votes and seats, the Move Forward Party (MFP) has yet to be included in the new administration. Led by Pita Limjaroenrat, the MFP is known for advocating three key progressive policies: demilitarisation, demonopolization, and decentralisation. This party posed a significant threat to the political establishment, creating unprecedented influence since former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra. The MFP’s victory of 151 seats shocked the country, dashing the hopes of a predicted Pheu Thai landslide. An eight-party coalition was initially formed, and a Memorandum of Understanding was proposed. However, this fell apart after the vote in parliament to determine the next Prime Minister. In this article, we will explore the challenges that Pita and the Move Forward Party face and how the new government will likely lose the people’s trust soon after taking office.
Pita found himself in a challenging situation when his ownership of shares in a former media company was questioned. Opponents argued that this disqualified him from being an MP or serving as Prime Minister. Pita had inherited shares from his father in iTV, a company that had ceased operations in 2007 and had held onto them. After the complaint was made following the election, the Election Commission was asked to investigate, as Pita and his party, MFP, threatened the established political order. In response, Pita transferred the shares to other family members, maintaining that he no longer had possession of them, and that the company was no longer active, so he had no influence over any media outlets. Despite some efforts to revive the company to derail Pita and MFP’s political ambitions, they were unsuccessful. Nonetheless, the Election Commission referred the case to the Constitutional Court, which resulted in Pita’s suspension as an MP until a decision is made. If the court finds him guilty, Pita could be sentenced to up to 20 years in prison and banned from politics for two decades.
The Section 112 law, which forbids any critical remarks about the Royal Family, has become a topic of debate. In the past, it was considered taboo to openly criticize the monarchy, but public opinion has shifted since the large-scale protests in 2020. The Move Forward party has made it a central platform to amend or repeal this law. However, Senators and opposition parties have opposed this proposal and have vowed not to support Pita as Prime Minister if he endorses changing the royal defamation laws. Even if the proposed amendment were introduced to Parliament, it would likely fail as the initial coalition parties would either vote against it or abstain from voting.
The political situation in Thailand poses a challenge for Move Forward due to the military’s heavy influence. All 250 senators were appointed during the former NCPO junta, and the constitution they drafted requires the Prime Minister to be chosen by a majority of MPs and Senators, totalling 375 votes. Although the Move Forward Party (MFP) initial coalition had 312 seats, enough for a majority to pass legislation, they needed more votes for Pita to become Prime Minister. When Parliament voted on Pita’s leadership, most senators abstained while opposition parties rejected him. This undemocratic interference by the electorate caused further discontent towards the political establishment, which seems to favor royalism and militarization. Pita could not run for the Prime Minister position again and eventually left in opposition despite winning the most seats in the election. Concerns regarding lèse-majesté being brought up in Parliament for debate posed too much a threat to the institutional status and influence of the Royal Household. However, many Senators and MPs oppose such measures and refuse to allow them to proceed.
After Pita Limjaroenrat’s failed attempt to become Prime Minister, Pheu Thai, the second-place party, started to explore the possibility of forming their own government without Move Forward. Despite many pro-democracy parties pledging not to join forces with the military-led parties of General Prayut Chan-o-Cha and General Prawit Wongsuwan, Pheu Thai changed its stance and decided to leave the eight-party coalition and join with Bhumjaithai, a former coalition party under the previous government. This move opened the door for pro-military parties joining Pheu Thai’s coalition. Shortly thereafter, the United Thai Nation Party (UTN) and Palang Pracharath (PPRP) announced that they would join the coalition from parties led by Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-Cha and Prawit Wongsuwan, respectively. This decision disappointed many Pheu Thai supporters and the general public who felt betrayed by their decision to side with the military, which denied Thailand the chance to elect a pro-democratic government for over a decade.
Pheu Thai’s alliance with dictatorial parties was motivated by their desire to bring back Thaksin Shinawatra, the former Prime Minister who was ousted in a 2006 coup for corruption and disloyalty to the King. Despite facing numerous charges, Thaksin’s power and influence over Thai politics has been long-lasting, with his party winning every election from 2001 until the 2019 election, which was rigged for a military victory. The deal allowed Thaksin to return to Thailand, have his charges dropped, and let pro-junta parties continue to be in government, preventing Move Forward from gaining power. Thaksin returned to Thailand on the day new PM Srettha Thavisin was elected, but was immediately imprisoned. However, he was later transferred to a hospital due to health issues and will remain there, avoiding his sentence. Thaksin had requested a royal pardon and was granted one, reducing his sentence from eight years to one. The
sped in which a royal pardon was issued can be cited to the deal with the military parties.
It is noteworthy that Vacharaesorn Vivacharawongse, commonly known as ‘ท่านอ้น’ and the estranged son of HM Maha Vajiralongkorn, had made an unexpected return to Thailand after nearly 30 years of living in exile. His return is due to a crisis within the Royal Family caused by Princess Bajarakitiyabha’s hospitalization with a low chance of full recovery after a brain aneurysm. As the other recognized children of the King are not seen as suitable to take over as ruler of the Kingdom, bringing back ‘ท่านอ้น’ is seen as a secure option to continue the legacy of the Royal Family. Despite his liberal stance, his return has been well-received, and he has been focusing on typical royal duties rather than tourism. He has also expressed a desire for justice, equality, and love for each other. Since the election, he reposted an article by The Economist that discusses respecting the election outcome or facing violent expression on the streets, he has since stated that he will avoid getting involved in politics. Since returning to the USA, Vacharaesorn had attended talks on lèse-majesté stating that discussions on the matter should take place. It’s possible that the Bureau of the Royal Household could announce the next Crown Prince and King of Thailand in the coming months.
Thailand’s political landscape has undergone significant changes, with Srettha Thavisin becoming the country’s 30th Prime Minister after the Move Forward party left the coalition with Pheu Thai. Unfortunately, this decision has led to a decline in public support for Srettha’s party, with 64% of citizens disagreeing with their decision to align with military parties. Pheu Thai has attempted to clarify their decision on creating their own coalition, citing concerns about political instability, but many believe their desperation to bring back former PM Thaksin Shinawatra played a more significant role.
The country has been struggling with democratization for decades, and the recent election didn’t bring much change to the situation. Moreover, the controversy surrounding Pita Limjaroenrat’s shares has caused concerns about the MFP’s presence and growth in Thailand. Lastly, the party’s proposal to remove lèse-majesté from the penal code faced opposition from staunch royalists and the conservative establishment, who feared that any discussion of the monarchy would threaten their power and influence. Although these developments may seem discouraging for the Move Forward party, they could work in their favour during the next election. The party can improve its image and gain more support by remaining committed to its principles and advocating for fundamental change. However, given the Constitutional Court’s pending decision on Pita Limjaroenrat, the party’s future remains uncertain.
Jamie Greenfield, Alumni of the University of Westminster